By Arun Srivastava
The defeat of BJP in the three states Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh is being ascribed as an anti incumbency mandate, but
such a view overlooks the fact that the dalits and tribals have returned to the
Congress fold. It is an open secret that the tribals and Scheduled Castes
powered Congress victory in Chhattisgarh. Congress won 25 of the 29 seats
reserved for Scheduled Tribes and 7 of the 10 seats reserved for Scheduled
Castes. The two communities account for over two out of every five residents in
the state.
Their rallying behind Congress is akin to the strong
bondage that existed between the two in the pre-eighties period. After the
emergence of the OBC factor and Mandal politics, they switched over their
loyalties to the BSP and other outfits claiming to be their benefactors. Though
the BSP was in the fray in a very strong manner in Chhattisgarh, it could not
make much impact. What was worse for BSP chief Mayawati was that she was
perceived as the covert supporter of BJP. By and large the dalits of
Chhattisgarh rallied behind Congress. The Both BJP and Congress had focussed on
the tribal regions of Bastar and Surguja that make up around 32 per cent of the
state’s population. Three ministers — all from the tribal community — lost this
time to their Congress rivals.
The Scheduled Caste vote bases too shifted significantly
to the Congress as the party won seven of the 10 seats reserved for the
community. Congress had won just one seat in the 2013 polls. Scheduled castes
make up roughly about 12 per cent of the state’s population. The BJP managed to
win only two SC seats this time.
But in the neighboring Madhya Pradesh, the BSP managed to
get some seats, primarily due to the element of proximity of the region with
Uttar Pradesh where Mayawati and BSP are quite active. In fact, an in depth
study of the voting pattern and the votes polled reveals that a move is on for the
revival of the old pattern of political equations: combination of Congress and
SC plus Muslims. The emergence of the new type of dalit leadership has been
primarily responsible for it. They do not subscribe to the Mayawati style of
politics.
It is the emergence of the new leadership that prompted the
government to ban the use of the word dalit. A recent government advisory asked
the media to avoid using the term ‘Dalit’ in compliance with the orders of the
Bombay and Madhya Pradesh High Courts. The courts directed the Centre and state
governments to refrain from using the nomenclature as it “does not find any
mention in the Constitution of India or any statute”. The BJP move turned the
dalits skeptics. For them it was a design to abrogate their identity.
“Dalit” is
primarily an anti-caste, anti-Brahminical, anti-capitalist, anti-oppression,
anti-superstition rebellion. It is a militant affirmation. In fact, B R
Ambedkar had strongly emphasized on the evolution of the word Dalit. The
translation of the word was studied anthropologically by Ambedkar in The
Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? Ambedkar argued
that the broken men were a defeated tribe of the constant tribal warfare in
primitive society.
Significantly, minister of state for social justice
Ramdas Athawale had announced that his party would approach the Supreme Court
against recent orders directing the media to refrain from using the term
‘Dalit’ and instead use the constitutional term ‘Scheduled Castes’ to refer to
the community.
Another lesson from the elections results is that
Mayawati has lost the mantle of being the face of the dalits. She has only been
concerned of her benefits. Mayawati announced that her two newly elected MLAs
would support a Congress government. But before the polls, she had rebuffed the
Congress.
One thing is clear that the role of the dalit young Turks
is going to be crucial. Leaders like Mewani and Ravan would define the new dalit
identity. The politics of Mayawati may for the time being manage a few seats in
collaboration with the bigger parties, but ultimately she would not be able to
lead the dalits against upper caste exploitation and oppression. (IPA Service)
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